Victims of child trafficking and exploitation often come from abroad and the margins of society. Generally, they might be viewed as problem children. This label reinforces their inherent negativity [ 14 ], social invisibility and exclusion [ 17 ]; they are the children of others. As such, instead of a positive approach to the phenomenon based on a human rights perspective, they might evoke attitudes of socially organized denial [ 18 ], rejection, disinterest or criticism.
Thus, the genesis of trafficking is essentially sociopolitical, culminating in a legal phenomenon. This simplistic view overshadows the broader dimension of the phenomenon, which as Gearon [ 16 ] asserted is not limited to international movements legal or illegal or migrant children. In fact, as Palmer [ 20 ] claimed, child trafficking is a complex, multidimensional and dynamic process; it is a shape-shifting phenomenon characterized by different patterns across countries.
It involves national citizens, migrants i. It might begin long before it is detected, with or without family involvement, for a variety of purposes, and as part of more or less sophisticated networks. In the same vein, Clemente [ 10 ] characterized the Portuguese support system for victims of trafficking as victim-oriented in theory but as focused on internal security objectives in practice.
This feature corresponds to the current trend of protection systems, which are increasingly focused on control rather than care [ 23 ].
This partial viewpoint hinders interventions focused on the rights and needs of children and their protection [ 16 ]. In this sense, they contend that the criminal matrix of the definition of child trafficking frequently overshadows its true nature and origin: child trafficking is primarily a matter of rights and protection, and, as such, it reveals the shortcomings of protection and welfare systems [ 24 , 25 ]. Therefore, the priority or almost exclusive emphasis on legal and procedural aspects and the subsequent production of penal legislation, national action plans and support measures for victims at the expense of action towards the structural conditions that underlie trafficking are criticized.
Enforcing the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child is the most effective way to prevent the exploitation and trafficking of children and youth as well as safeguard their rights and respond to their needs. Data available on human trafficking and, specifically, child trafficking provide only an approximation of the reality. In addition to being a hidden phenomenon [ 19 ], illegal and clandestine [ 26 ], concepts of trafficking differ across countries as various reports have highlighted.
Because trafficking is usually closely connected to crimes such as illegal immigration, aid to illegal immigration, forgery and criminal association, the distinction among these phenomena is not clear [ 24 ]. Consequently, defining these terms involves a wide range of legislation [ 27 ] and a variety of mechanisms to identify phenomena. Furthermore, even at the national level, experts have identified many discrepancies in the data reported across different sources, as in the case of Portugal [ 11 ].
These findings support the idea of numerous unreported cases the dark figures of trafficking. Therefore the low numbers of child trafficking represent the tip of the iceberg [ 19 , 28 ]. Additionally, the eligibility criteria for acquiring the status of trafficking victim and receiving assistance significantly modify the available data on this phenomenon. Especially with regard to child trafficking, the criterion used to set the age of the victim, whether at the time of referral or at the beginning of trafficking, remains a sensitive issue.
Neves and Pedra [ 11 ] drew attention to the fact that many victims have been subjected to exploitation for several years, even though their identification in the system occurred during adulthood. This consideration provides a different basis for calculating the number of child trafficking victims as well as targets and adjusts the interventions made available to people in these conditions within the legal and protection systems.
In fact, according to Catch and Sustain [ 29 ], trafficked children especially those with a long history of being exploited tend to be treated by the legal and the protection systems according to their immigration status or the crimes in which they might have been involved, rather than the crimes that they have suffered along the way. Another eligibility criterion concerns the distinction between the child trafficking statistics and the risk of child trafficking i. In line with this view, researchers have claimed that the groups of children targeted to prevent and combat trafficking currently unaccompanied asylum-seeking children, child victims of trafficking and child victims of sexual exploitation should be revised to include accompanied child migrants, undocumented children and homeless children [ 24 ].
According to scholars and practitioners, within the logic of prevention and effective interventions, authorities should expand their focus to include children at risk of being trafficked, favoring more comprehensive interventions in addition to focused responses.
For the reasons outlined above and given the absence of reliable and disaggregated data [ 29 ], comparisons of national data are far from linear [ 24 ]. Nevertheless, despite the scarcity of consistent data, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime [ 30 ], human trafficking could likely reach up to 4 million victims. As noted in the report of Catch and Sustain [ 29 ], child trafficking occurs in all European countries, without a clear division among countries of origin, destination or transit.
Regarding child trafficking, prior to , national data were subsumed under the general data of human trafficking. Nonetheless, since national data on human trafficking began being collected, reports indicate that few children were victims of this type of crime e. Table 1 details the number of child trafficking referrals considering the total number of human trafficking referrals in Portugal from to Data, compiled from different sources, represent cases reported before investigation and substantiation.
Absolute figures are relatively low, both in relation to human trafficking in general and to child trafficking specifically; however, notable variations have been found over time. The percentage of child trafficking referrals varied from 8. According to Neves and Pedra [ 11 ], In addition, those who began to be trafficked in childhood tend to be exploited for longer periods than those who start the process in adulthood.
As Clemente [ 10 ] asserted, the introduction of the issue of human trafficking in Portugal was prompted by the need to transpose the international directives issued by the United Nations and the European Commission into national law.
When Portugal adopted the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and the additional Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Human Trafficking especially with regard to women and children in , all legislative changes that followed have given rise to the definition and development of specific policies and procedures.
National Plans against Human Trafficking have played a decisive role in the adoption of an integrated intervention strategy, combining interventions at different levels and multiple actors.
In , the Portuguese authorities developed the first National Plan against Human Trafficking — I PNCTSH [ 31 ], which had four strategic domains: 1 to understand the phenomenon and disseminate information; 2 to prevent, elucidate and train; 3 to protect, support and integrate; and 4 to conduct criminal investigation and prosecute traffickers [ 31 ].
It is responsible for collecting, producing, processing and analyzing data on human trafficking, including child trafficking. In , two initiatives stood out in this domain [ 27 ]: a the certification of documents for foreign children attending Portuguese schools Immigration and Borders Service [SEF] goes to school and b the creation of the first temporary shelter for 6- to year-old refugee children and CACR.
This centre is expected to provide specialized assistance to children and youth in the asylum process i. Nonetheless, the special situation of children was not differentiated in this Plan, neither conceptually nor in terms of specific measures. The third National Plan — III PNCTSH [ 43 ] had five strategic areas: 1 prevent, inform, understand and investigate; 2 educate, train and capacitate; 3 protect, intervene and empower; 4 investigate criminality; and 5 cooperate.
Regarding children, it included actions such as the development of education for children, adolescents and adults, as well as the development of protocols for the prevention, detection and protection of child victims of trafficking. The implementation of standardized care protocols for the identification, referral and intervention of victims of trafficking, among others, and for child victims of trafficking, in particular, by the National Health Service NHS , was particularly important.
The fourth National Plan — IV PNCTSH [ 40 ] defined three strategic objectives: i to develop knowledge and raise awareness on THB, ii to improve the quality of interventions for trafficking victims, and iii to strengthen the fight against organized crime networks.
With regard to children, an emphasis was put on the development of guidelines and protocols for intervening with children across different services as well as on reinforcing networking within different services, including the NHS and the National Network for the Support and Protection of Trafficking Victims. As the four national plans against human trafficking show, children are included as victims of trafficking and are occasionally specifically targeted.
However, none of the plans address the specificity of child trafficking. The Portuguese Penal Code Law no. In fact, research shows that, most of the time, children are trafficked for labour exploitation e.
As detailed, this definition entails the intentional action of the offender to exploit a vulnerable person. However, the issue of consent is not exempted from controversy because of the debate concerning the age of consent [ 19 ], an issue related to the criterion used to set the age of the victim, as previously discussed. Associated with age and the corresponding development level are, among others, the issues of: a capacity to consent to their involvement in certain activities or relationships, especially those that are deviant or criminal; b the responsibility inherent to this in capacity; c the different developmental needs that children might exhibit depending on their age; d their plasticity and vulnerability to the external world and the consequent and serious implications of their involvement in harmful relationships and activities; e longer periods of exploitation than those of trafficked adults; and f more support needed, given the higher likelihood to develop trauma.
As Greenbaum, Yun and Todres [ 45 ], p. In fact, the exploitation and trafficking of children are often associated with adverse experiences of abuse, neglect and other forms of violence that harm their physical and mental health. Educating government officials, law enforcement and citizens of the signs of human trafficking will help to prevent treating victims as criminals, and ensure that they will receive the assistance and protection that they so desperately need.
Those suffering from poverty are purposely targeted by traffickers as a means of exploitation. Due to poverty, some parents sell their children. There are two types of labor the victims who are trafficked are subjected to, forced labor or prostitution.
Over 32 billion dollars is made annually from human trafficking. Traffickers prey on the most vulnerable in communities, and organizations like Kinship United care for those who are most vulnerable to this exploitation. Effective, enforced laws are necessary and important, but efforts from organizations like Kinship United can work to stop trafficking before it even begins.
The US on Thursday listed 10 countries it said are involved in state-sponsored human trafficking, including a host of its adversaries. Testing their vulnerabilities and boundaries.
Begin typing your search term above and press enter to search. Press ESC to cancel. Skip to content Home Social studies Why Human trafficking is considered as a social problem? Social studies. Ben Davis February 3, Why Human trafficking is considered as a social problem? Is human trafficking social problem? Dr Blazek is sceptical about the potential of border management to end human trafficking:. Traffickers are opportunistic. They are capable of shifting their operations in line with existing constraints.
Tightened migration management will not address the marginalisation of individuals and communities. And not least, human trafficking also takes place also within the United Kingdom with no border crossing.
We need effective strategies to reduce inequalities. We need to end the hostile environment for marginalised migrants. And we need to build new forms of engagement with underprivileged communities. Skip to main content. Logo Who we Are. Human trafficking between Eastern Central Europe and the United Kingdom Human trafficking is a serious crime and violation of human rights.
Structural factors of human trafficking The structural issues behind human trafficking show that people who experience it are not simply random victims of crime.
Exploitation across time and space The social justice perspective is crucial for understanding the life trajectories of people who are trafficked. On the contrary, their research suggests that people are targeted by traffickers for their agency, for their ability to: endure exploitation undertake physically and mentally exhausting work sacrifice themselves for their families Stories of human trafficking are also extraordinary stories of resistance, creativity and exceptional strength.
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